Day 1 Clarification Questions (Members: )
Questions
Day 1 Discussion Questions (Members: )
Questions
Andy Monserud:
Standing envisions the precariat as a class with (unrealized) anarchic potential, as he mentions in chapter 1. How is this subverted by the relation of native members of the precariat to migrants, which is often hostile and centered around concepts of order and rule of law? Is this conflict reconcilable-- or how does Standing reconcile it, if at all?
Emma Dulaney:
How does Standing's definition of the precariat place them as "the other" in society? How does precariat's structure of 'social income' work to redefine our typical understanding of class?
Andrew Durand
Standing states, "the frenzy with which firms are now traded, split up and repackaged is a feature of global capitalism" (49). How has this process affected standard operating procedures for those in positions of power within those corporations in terms of employee management? How has the precariat felt the effects of this trend in business tactics and how are the effects of these new tactics asymmetrical?
Sarah Edwards:
In Chapter 4 Standing discusses the various forms of migration and their unique characteristics, positing them as the “classic denizens” that are not granted all the rights rewarded traditional citizens (161). How does maintaining the “denizen” status of migrants benefit the global capitalist economy? Does this disenfranchisement lead to a precariat class that is unable to consolidate its aims into a coherent list of grievances?
Nick Hochfeld:
"The neo-liberal state has been transforming school systems to make them a consistent part of the market society, pushing education in the direction of ‘human capital’ formation and job preparation." (68). How have we personally experienced this in our education? How does Whitman fit into the theme of commodification of higher education and how can we justify our continued engagement in this system?
Logan Miller
The Precariat as a class is derived from their precariousness, there is a constant fear of being let go or being forced to move. Most are young and disenchanted with the neo-liberal ideals of today's governments. How then has this seemingly new class flown under the radar for so long? How can it be that such a large class of people simply not been recognised?
Blake Ladenburg:
Will the growing precariat eventually reach an unsustainable level? If the state continues to engage in economic "con tricks" (91) will society reach a point at which we will have limited the ability to continue seeing economic growth?
Nate Olson:
How does the precariat relate to the class beneath them, that is those people who have been unable to maintain even a precarious existence and have fallen into homelessness, abject poverty, or substance abuse and criminalization?
Jenny Gruenberg:
Standing argues that the precariat and especially the "Robin Hoods" among them, "have flourished in a period before a coherent political strategy to advance the interests of the new class has taken shape" (6). Why is a political strategy difficult to envision for the precariat class?
Valentina Lopez-Cortes:
On page 16 Standing defines precariatisation as a process “leading to proletarianisation of workers....to be subject to pressures and experiences that lead to the precariat existence, of living in the present, without a secure identity of sense of development achieved through work and lifestyle.” How does this process relate to bell hook’s idea of social forces dictating class standing? How is Standing referring to intersectional forces of race and gender as dictators of class status?
Sam Jacobson
On page 32 the author states that “it is becoming harder to deny that mental, emotional and behavioral changes are taking place and that this is consistent with the spread of precariatisation.” I’m not sure I buy this claim. To what extent could this observation be an example of post hoc ergo proctor hoc?
Ione Fullerton
Why is it difficult to define the proletariat as a class? Could/do people self identify as proletriats? Might they garner a sense of identity or membership from this political identification? In identity politics with such a diverse group of people, what are some of the possible oppressive practices that members might take on with one another?
Nathan Gruenberg Standing “highlights a feature of the precariat at the moment. It has yet to solidify as a class-for-itself” (Standing, 38). Standing seems to posit that by banding together, there will be some benefits those in this new class category will posses. But isn’t the existence of the precariat class one that marks individuals with unstable existence counter-intuitive? Shouldn’t there be a call to eliminate the methods that create this class, rather than calling upon a realization of class consciousness for this class? What is the benefit for a class to possess pride?
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------- Day 2 Text Mapping (Members: )
Map
Day 2 Discussion Mapping (Members: )
Map
Day 2 Clarification Questions (Members: )
Questions
Day 2 Discussion Questions (Members: )
Questions
Sam Jacobson
How would the idea of a basic income – the idea that “every legal resident of a country or community, children as well as adults, should be provided with a modest monthly payment” -- be implemented (295)? What are the costs and the benefits of such a program?
Sarah Edwards:
Throughout chapter 5 Standing demonstrates how time is increasingly regulated and reformatted in ways that consistently disadvantage the precariat. Can the “time squeeze” that Standing describes be seen as a tool of domination by those in power? How does this dispossession affect class composition?
Emma Dulaney:
In Chapter 6, Standing shows the dangerous blurring of the private and public lives of today's citizens via the State. How are the precariat particularly susceptible to this panoptic invasion of privacy? How is this invasion of privacy excused and executed via behavioral economics?
Nate Olson:
Do we believe Standing's assertion that all people will choose to work even if given enough of a basic income to sustain themselves? Or will they sit around eating potato chips and watching TV all day?
Blake Ladenburg:
Will we reach a point where we can no longer thin our democracy? Will there be a level of disenfranchisement that leaves those in power without a mandate? Is this level of disengagement dangerous to our democracy? Standing asserts that at minimum it is harmful to the precariat.
Andrew Durand:
Standing states, "a flexible labor market [...] forces the precariat into using time in ways that are bound to leave people envervated and less able to undertake other activities" (207). How does the rearticulation of labor time utilize tactics created by the Fordist ideology during the industrial revolution.
Nick Hochfeld:
In a society where the "time squeeze turns leisure into a jeopardised part of life and leads to ‘thin democracy’, in which people are disengaged from political activity" (131), how do academic texts, such as Standing's work, directly benefit the members of the percariat class? While knowledge on political theory and the oppression of the precariat class is important, how relevant is it to the daily lives of these workers, who will not have time to engage in leisure reading or to engage politically for the improvement of their condition?
Nathan Gruenberg In Chapter 5, Standing states “The devaluation of leisure, particularly working-class leisure, is among the worst legacies of labourism” (Standing, 221). Furthermore, he also states “those in the procreate feel guilty to devoting time to such actives [appreciating: fine music, theatre, art, literature, politics], thinking they should be using their time in networking or in constantly upgrading their ‘human capital’”(Standing, 220). What are the repercussions of this loss of leisure? Is there a way a shift away from only valuing capital production to incorporating many other facets of society as beneficial? Maybe turn to Gibson-Graham for inspiration?
Logan Miller
How much does surveillance really impact our lives? If the Precariat is constantly one the move as Standing asserts then surely it would be more difficult to readily survey them. Or is this how the surveillance is designed to operate, there but unseen?
Andy Monserud
Standing claims on page 255 that the 2008 election indicated a political shift to "preferring symbols over substance." From a materialist rhetorical perspective, does this really represent any kind of change?
Quinn Lincoln
In society there is a longstanding belief that "we are more than the sum of our parts." Genetic research-based hiring practices upset this notion, so how do these hiring practices impact social beliefs? And, is this really an invalid method for hiring? Wouldn't the types of behaviors found through gene research also be visible in an in depth interview?
Valentina Lopez-Cortes Standing mentions social media as a factor of society that is “shrinking the zone of privacy” and argues that our current standard for this kind of intimacy [sharing political views on facebook for example] is very uncomfortable and easily surveyed (134). Where do we draw the line of invasion of privacy within social media?
Jenny Gruenberg
In chapter 7, "A politics of paradise," Standing initially states that "Freedom is something that is disclosed in collective action" and that, "anxiety is a part of freedom" (267). How does anxiety, a characteristic typically associated with mental health, play into class formation?
Map
Day 1 Discussion Mapping (Members: )
Map
Day 1 Clarification Questions (Members: )
Questions
Day 1 Discussion Questions (Members: )
Questions
Andy Monserud:
Standing envisions the precariat as a class with (unrealized) anarchic potential, as he mentions in chapter 1. How is this subverted by the relation of native members of the precariat to migrants, which is often hostile and centered around concepts of order and rule of law? Is this conflict reconcilable-- or how does Standing reconcile it, if at all?
Emma Dulaney:
How does Standing's definition of the precariat place them as "the other" in society? How does precariat's structure of 'social income' work to redefine our typical understanding of class?
Andrew Durand
Standing states, "the frenzy with which firms are now traded, split up and repackaged is a feature of global capitalism" (49). How has this process affected standard operating procedures for those in positions of power within those corporations in terms of employee management? How has the precariat felt the effects of this trend in business tactics and how are the effects of these new tactics asymmetrical?
Sarah Edwards:
In Chapter 4 Standing discusses the various forms of migration and their unique characteristics, positing them as the “classic denizens” that are not granted all the rights rewarded traditional citizens (161). How does maintaining the “denizen” status of migrants benefit the global capitalist economy? Does this disenfranchisement lead to a precariat class that is unable to consolidate its aims into a coherent list of grievances?
Nick Hochfeld:
"The neo-liberal state has been transforming school systems to make them a consistent part of the market society, pushing education in the direction of ‘human capital’ formation and job preparation." (68). How have we personally experienced this in our education? How does Whitman fit into the theme of commodification of higher education and how can we justify our continued engagement in this system?
Logan Miller
The Precariat as a class is derived from their precariousness, there is a constant fear of being let go or being forced to move. Most are young and disenchanted with the neo-liberal ideals of today's governments. How then has this seemingly new class flown under the radar for so long? How can it be that such a large class of people simply not been recognised?
Blake Ladenburg:
Will the growing precariat eventually reach an unsustainable level? If the state continues to engage in economic "con tricks" (91) will society reach a point at which we will have limited the ability to continue seeing economic growth?
Nate Olson:
How does the precariat relate to the class beneath them, that is those people who have been unable to maintain even a precarious existence and have fallen into homelessness, abject poverty, or substance abuse and criminalization?
Jenny Gruenberg:
Standing argues that the precariat and especially the "Robin Hoods" among them, "have flourished in a period before a coherent political strategy to advance the interests of the new class has taken shape" (6). Why is a political strategy difficult to envision for the precariat class?
Valentina Lopez-Cortes:
On page 16 Standing defines precariatisation as a process “leading to proletarianisation of workers....to be subject to pressures and experiences that lead to the precariat existence, of living in the present, without a secure identity of sense of development achieved through work and lifestyle.” How does this process relate to bell hook’s idea of social forces dictating class standing? How is Standing referring to intersectional forces of race and gender as dictators of class status?
Sam Jacobson
On page 32 the author states that “it is becoming harder to deny that mental, emotional and behavioral changes are taking place and that this is consistent with the spread of precariatisation.” I’m not sure I buy this claim. To what extent could this observation be an example of post hoc ergo proctor hoc?
Ione Fullerton
Why is it difficult to define the proletariat as a class? Could/do people self identify as proletriats? Might they garner a sense of identity or membership from this political identification? In identity politics with such a diverse group of people, what are some of the possible oppressive practices that members might take on with one another?
Nathan Gruenberg
Standing “highlights a feature of the precariat at the moment. It has yet to solidify as a class-for-itself” (Standing, 38). Standing seems to posit that by banding together, there will be some benefits those in this new class category will posses. But isn’t the existence of the precariat class one that marks individuals with unstable existence counter-intuitive? Shouldn’t there be a call to eliminate the methods that create this class, rather than calling upon a realization of class consciousness for this class? What is the benefit for a class to possess pride?
---------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------------
Day 2 Text Mapping (Members: )
Map
Day 2 Discussion Mapping (Members: )
Map
Day 2 Clarification Questions (Members: )
Questions
Day 2 Discussion Questions (Members: )
Questions
Sam Jacobson
How would the idea of a basic income – the idea that “every legal resident of a country or community, children as well as adults, should be provided with a modest monthly payment” -- be implemented (295)? What are the costs and the benefits of such a program?
Sarah Edwards:
Throughout chapter 5 Standing demonstrates how time is increasingly regulated and reformatted in ways that consistently disadvantage the precariat. Can the “time squeeze” that Standing describes be seen as a tool of domination by those in power? How does this dispossession affect class composition?
Emma Dulaney:
In Chapter 6, Standing shows the dangerous blurring of the private and public lives of today's citizens via the State. How are the precariat particularly susceptible to this panoptic invasion of privacy? How is this invasion of privacy excused and executed via behavioral economics?
Nate Olson:
Do we believe Standing's assertion that all people will choose to work even if given enough of a basic income to sustain themselves? Or will they sit around eating potato chips and watching TV all day?
Blake Ladenburg:
Will we reach a point where we can no longer thin our democracy? Will there be a level of disenfranchisement that leaves those in power without a mandate? Is this level of disengagement dangerous to our democracy? Standing asserts that at minimum it is harmful to the precariat.
Andrew Durand:
Standing states, "a flexible labor market [...] forces the precariat into using time in ways that are bound to leave people envervated and less able to undertake other activities" (207). How does the rearticulation of labor time utilize tactics created by the Fordist ideology during the industrial revolution.
Nick Hochfeld:
In a society where the "time squeeze turns leisure into a jeopardised part of life and leads to ‘thin democracy’, in which people are disengaged from political activity" (131), how do academic texts, such as Standing's work, directly benefit the members of the percariat class? While knowledge on political theory and the oppression of the precariat class is important, how relevant is it to the daily lives of these workers, who will not have time to engage in leisure reading or to engage politically for the improvement of their condition?
Nathan Gruenberg
In Chapter 5, Standing states “The devaluation of leisure, particularly working-class leisure, is among the worst legacies of labourism” (Standing, 221). Furthermore, he also states “those in the procreate feel guilty to devoting time to such actives [appreciating: fine music, theatre, art, literature, politics], thinking they should be using their time in networking or in constantly upgrading their ‘human capital’”(Standing, 220). What are the repercussions of this loss of leisure? Is there a way a shift away from only valuing capital production to incorporating many other facets of society as beneficial? Maybe turn to Gibson-Graham for inspiration?
Logan Miller
How much does surveillance really impact our lives? If the Precariat is constantly one the move as Standing asserts then surely it would be more difficult to readily survey them. Or is this how the surveillance is designed to operate, there but unseen?
Andy Monserud
Standing claims on page 255 that the 2008 election indicated a political shift to "preferring symbols over substance." From a materialist rhetorical perspective, does this really represent any kind of change?
Quinn Lincoln
In society there is a longstanding belief that "we are more than the sum of our parts." Genetic research-based hiring practices upset this notion, so how do these hiring practices impact social beliefs? And, is this really an invalid method for hiring? Wouldn't the types of behaviors found through gene research also be visible in an in depth interview?
Valentina Lopez-Cortes
Standing mentions social media as a factor of society that is “shrinking the zone of privacy” and argues that our current standard for this kind of intimacy [sharing political views on facebook for example] is very uncomfortable and easily surveyed (134). Where do we draw the line of invasion of privacy within social media?
Jenny Gruenberg
In chapter 7, "A politics of paradise," Standing initially states that "Freedom is something that is disclosed in collective action" and that, "anxiety is a part of freedom" (267). How does anxiety, a characteristic typically associated with mental health, play into class formation?